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Anton Eberhard writes that South Africa will experience routine electricity blackouts in a few years unless new electricity policy and investment decisions are formulated and implemented this year.

South Africa will experience routine electricity blackouts in a few years unless new electricity policy and investment decisions are formulated and implemented this year.

This is the inexorable conclusion that emerges from scenario and modelling exercises undertaken separately by the National Electricity Regulator, Eskom and large energy-intensive industries.

Growing electricity demand will outstrip existing national supply capacity next year or the year thereafter, assuming a prudent reserve margin to allow for maintenance and unscheduled plant shutdowns.

Hydro-electricity imports, mainly Cahora Bassa in Mozambique, will provide respite for about another year. Thereafter, we need further generation capacity or significant energy savings and demand-side measures.

Eskom has started re-commissioning old moth-balled coal-fired power stations to meet this challenge. Camden, the first plant, will be relatively easy to re-commission and work has commenced. Grootvlei will be more difficult and Komati, the last plant that Eskom plans to re-commission, will be the most uncertain and expensive.

If successful, these old generating stations will give us a breather until around 2008. And then we need new generation capacity.

2008 might seem years away, but investment decisions, environmental impact assessments, plant construction and commissioning take many years. For a hydro-electric or pumped storage scheme, this could take ten years. A coal-fired power station could take six years or more, and gas turbines - two to four years.

If our economy grows faster, or we are not able to implement effective demand-side measures, new power generation capacity might be needed even earlier.

Government is aware of this situation. The President confirmed, in his state of the nation address in parliament in May, that a tender for new capacity will be awarded early in 2005.

The Department of Minerals and Energy has appointed technical advisors to prepare and manage this tender. However, their work schedule indicates that the contract with a new Independent Power Producer will only be concluded early in 2006, and this will only happen if the bid manages to comply with National Treasury's Public Private Partnership regulations. The DME will have to show that Eskom cannot build a new plant more cheaply - an interesting possibility given Eskom's competitive cost of capital and the potential for transfer-pricing with its current portfolio of extremely low-cost generating plant.

Given these tight time constraints, it is not unlikely that we shall have to resort to buying, on an emergency basis, a series of highly expensive, paraffin-burning open-cycle gas turbines.

There is a dangerous assumption that the current tender process for new generation capacity answers concerns about supply security. It does not.

The challenge is not only to manage the current tender process within tight time-constraints. We need to make decisions this year about procuring much more capacity than the approximately 1000 MW anticipated in the current tender.

A likely planning scenario indicates that this year, 2004, we need to make investment decisions on a new pumped-storage scheme, a new pulverised coal-fired plant and a green-field coal fluidized-bed combustor or a combined-cycle gas turbine. In short, we need to start placing orders for a range of new power plant. In ensuing years we shall need to continue to order new plant.

These challenges raise the question of whether a part-time committee of government officials, assisted by consultants, is the most appropriate and sustainable mechanism to continue to procure new power? It also provokes debate about what market structure is appropriate to encourage the most efficient and cost-effective investment decisions?

Following the 1998 While Paper on Energy Policy, and a number of subsequent studies, Cabinet decided, in May 2001, to restructure the power sector by unbundling Eskom's electricity transmission division into an independent company and selling-off 30% of Eskom's generation plants. New capacity would be provided by private investors and an electricity trading market would be established comprising a power exchange and a parallel market for bilateral power contracts and financial hedges. None of this happened.

What is emerging is a quite different market model. In her budget speech, the Minister of Minerals and Energy stated that "the state has to put security of supply above all and above competition especially". The Minister of Public Enterprises has indicated that Eskom will not be privatised and that a strong state-owned utility is important for social and economic development.

Eskom is thus likely to continue to dominate the market. It may even be permitted to build new generation plant. Private sector investment will be permitted only on the margins in the form of Independent Power Producers. They will sign long-term power purchase agreements with Eskom (or with an independent transmission company or system operator, if these are eventually separated form Eskom).

Government will now need to clarify whether the emerging market model for the electricity sector is its preferred model or is merely a temporary measure to secure emergency supplied. This is not a trivial question - for it strikes at the heart of the cost and efficiency issues in the power sector, and will have long-term consequences for electricity prices in this country.

Few remember the controversial electricity price-hikes by Eskom in the late 1970s and 1980s when it made investment mistakes that resulted in huge unused power generation capacity. History demonstrates the potential weaknesses of the old industry model where state-owned monopoly utilities simply pass the costs of poor investment decisions to consumers.

The current tender process is also full of risk. A small number of officials and technical advisors will decide how much new power is needed, using which fuel sources, when and where. While a degree of (once-off) competition might be possible through the tender bids, long-term power purchase agreements could tie-up non-competitive electricity prices for decades.

Plans for a new market structure, where investors have to compete to sell their power in a power exchange or a contract market, have been sacrificed in the face of security of supply concerns.

Periods of supply uncertainty and shortages are never a good time to design and implement new competitive market structures. The long period of large capacity surpluses that provided a window of opportunity for major reform has disappeared. Now we have to patch the current system and prepare for the future.

The default IPP/ single-buyer model that is emerging now requires the establishment of a robust and sustainable institutional structure (probably best attached to the power system operator) that will be responsible for long term planning, security of supply and procurement of generation capacity.

We can avoid future black-outs. But we need to act now.

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This paper is part of the wider Program on Energy and Sustainable Development study on the historical experience of Independent Power Producers (IPPs) in countries that are in the midst of transforming the industrial organization of their electric power sectors. The study seeks to explain the patterns of investment in IPPs and the variation in IPP experiences. The aim is not only to assess the historical record accurately but also to chart possible future paths for the IPP mode of power sector investment. This paper follows the research methods and guidelines laid out in the project's research protocol.

In terms of IPP history, fuel context, and economic and political environment, Poland is not unique among the countries of Eastern Europe. All three EU accession countries in Eastern Europe-Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary-are formerly centrally planned economies that are in the midst of liberalizing their power sectors. As seen in Figure 1, both Poland and the Czech Republic rely primarily on coal for electric power generation. Poland was selected for study because it is the largest market and because coal is an entrenched incumbent.

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Program on Energy and Sustainable Development Working Paper #31
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Joshua C. House

The conference seeks to take a fresh look at the geopolitical consequences of a major shift to natural gas in the coming decades; indeed by most estimates global consumption of gas will double by 2030. But in the ares of highest projected demand - North America, Europe, China, and South and East Asia - demand is expected to outstrip indigenous supply. This implies the need for a huge amount of investment in the expansion of cross border gas transport infrastructure to bring gas from supply centers - particularly Russia and the Middle East.

What are the geopolitical implications of a more gas-intensive world? What can the history of cross-border gas infrastructure investment tell us about the political, economic, and legal issues we are likely to face as we become more dependent of natural gas? Is there a "resource curse" for gas? What is the likelihood that gas producers form a cartel to control prices - a Gas OPEC?

Hosted by former Secretary of State James Baker, the Geopolitics of Gas: From Today to 2030 conference will bring together experts from industry and academia to discuss these questions and more. PESD and the Baker Institute will present results from historical case studies of major cross-border gas infrastructure investments and results from the first integrated global gas trade model; keynote speakers include the Minister of Energy and Mines for Algeria.

James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy, Rice University

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Ale Núñez was a Research Fellow at the Program on Energy and Sustainable Development. At PESD, her research focused on foreign investment in independent power projects in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. Her academic interests include privatization and regulation of water and electricity infrastructure in Latin American countries, as well as economic history, sociology and legal theory.

Ale holds a Master of Laws (LL.M, 2003) from Harvard University, where she was research assistant to Duncan Kennedy, Carter Professor of General Jurisprudence. She graduated with honors from ITAM (LL.B, 2001), after having been research assistant to the Dean of the Law School, Dr. José Ramón Cossío Díaz, now an Associate Justice at the Mexican Supreme Court. She also worked in the litigation department of Morrison & Foerster LLP in Palo Alto, California, on patent infringement claims and political asylum cases, and was an active member of the firmwide Latin America Practice Group on Finance and Infrastructure.

In her spare time, Ale directs travel videos featuring Mexico, her native country. Her work is available at public libraries and retail stores throughout the US, and at www.alexandratravel.com.

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Emeka Duruigbo is Research Fellow at the Program on Energy and Sustainable Development and a SPILS Fellow at Stanford Law School where he is working on designing institutions for managing oil revenues for socio-economic development in Nigeria. He is licensed to practice law in Nigeria and California and has a broad experience that cuts across business, law and academia. At PESD, he is examining the potential for international gas trade and investment in sub-Saharan Africa, with a special focus on advanced LNG and pipeline projects.

Emeka received an LL.B. from the University of Benin and a professional certificate from the Nigerian Law School. He also holds an LL.M. from the University of Alberta and an S.J.D. from Golden Gate University.

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Techno-economic energy models consistently project world gas demand to rise sharply in the coming decades. The most recent World Energy Outlook envisions that global gas consumption will double by 2030 and other major energy scenarios anticipate similar increases in gas demand. In the areas of highest expected demand-North America, Europe, China, and South and East Asia-the projected consumption of gas is expected to far outstrip indigenous supplies. These regions could import gas from regions where there is large surplus, but those are geographically distant. Indeed, surplus gas supplies-that is, reserves in excess of expected demand growth-are concentrated in a wide band stretching from the Middle East north to Siberia. Nearly half of the world's proven gas reserves are located in two countries-Russia and Iran-and three quarters of projected gas resources are located in the Middle East, Central Asia, and Russia. Delivering gas from these sources to the future demand centers will require a major expansion of inter-regional natural gas pipelines and LNG trains, in addition to significant intra-regional, cross-border gas transport infrastructures. The joint Stanford-Rice University study on the "Geopolitics of Gas" looks forward to this hypothesized gas-intensive world and explores a series of tightly interrelated questions.

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Program on Energy and Sustainable Development Working Paper #8
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Mark H. Hayes
David G. Victor

Encina Hall East, E415
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Erik Woodhouse is a post-Doctoral scholar with the Program on Energy and Sustainable Development. His current research focuses on energy infrastructure investment in developing countries. Other recent research includes work in comparative corporate governance and law and international relations.

Mr. Woodhouse holds a J.D. from Stanford University and a B.A. from Emory University in International Studies and Philosophy.

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Pei Yee is a Research Fellow with the Program of Energy and Sustainable Development. Her current research focuses on investment issues in the global energy sector. Admitted to the bar in both Singapore and California, she was trained as an attorney in international transactions involving infrastructure privatization, investment and financing. She will be undertaking her doctoral dissertation with Stanford Law School, and she is currently a Chartered Financial Analyst candidate.

Pei Yee holds a J.S.M. from the Stanford Law School Program in International Legal Studies, and an LL.B. from the National University of Singapore.

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When the People's Republic was founded in 1949, the Chinese electricity industry, with only 1.85 GW installed capacity, was primitive. It has since grown into the second largest in the world, with installed capacity rising to 353 GW in 2002. The number of people who have no access to electricity has been reduced to less than 2 percent of a population of 1.26 billion. On a per capita basis, installed capacity has edged up to one half of the world's average. Development has been particularly impressive since the 1980s thanks to increased investment in the sector. According to industry accounts, an estimated RMB 1,107 billion ($US 134 billion) was invested between 1981 and 2001 in new generation and delivery capacity. Additional investment was also made in retrofitting and upgrading the system, reaching over RMB 100 billion ($12 - 15 billion) per annum in the past seven years. Three quarters of this sectoral capital came from domestic sources, with foreign investment making up the rest. This remarkable power sector growth and financing have been achieved through an ongoing, unsystematic process of electricity industry reforms initiated in the mid 1980s. Further system expansion, projected at about 25 GW per year for the next two decades, challenges the Chinese government to continue and deepen this reform process.

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Program on Energy and Sustainable Development Working Paper #3
Authors
Chi Zhang
Thomas C. Heller
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The electricity sector is a major contributor to air and water pollution. Electricity also supplies vital services to modern societies-it literally powers economic growth. Given these vital roles, societies have constructed a "social contract" with the electric power industry. They have adopted a wide array of rules to regulate environmental externalities, mandated connections to low-income households, created "lifeline" tariffs and cross-subsidies to ensure that users gain at least a minimum quantity of electric service at little cost, and adopted various schemes to encourage investment in long-term innovation of improved technologies and electric power systems. It appears to have been relatively easy for governments to craft this social contract over the last century, as the electric power system has evolved, because governments have directly regulated the industry and, in most cases, major electric power firms were state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Today, a new wave of industrial organization is spreading across the industry- one predicated on use of markets rather than direct control-and alarm bells are sounding for the fate of the social contract. This paper examines the alarm.

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Program on Energy and Sustainable Development Working Paper #15
Authors
Thomas C. Heller
Henri Tjiong
David G. Victor
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